By Edward P. Stabler Jr.

ISBN-10: 0262193159

ISBN-13: 9780262193153

Via formalizing fresh syntactic theories for normal languages within the culture of Chomsky's limitations, Stabler exhibits how their complexity might be dealt with with out guesswork or oversimplification. He introduces logical representations of those theories including specific deductive ideas for exploring their results that may offer linguists with a invaluable software for deriving and checking out theoretical predictions and for experimenting with replacement formulations of grammatical principles.Stabler's novel procedure permits effects to be deduced with basic calculations and gives a scientific framework for tackling the challenge of ways audio system can infer the houses of an utterance from rules of the grammar. The detailed therapy of equality, induction rules, and inclusion of a basic approach for amassing buildings from proofs signifies that refined linguistic arguments will be conducted intimately, giving a wealthy point of view to matters in linguistic idea and parsing.Edward P. Stabler, Jr., is affiliate Professor of Linguistics on the college of California, la.

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Additional info for The Logical Approach to Syntax: Foundations, Specifications, and Implementations of Theories of Government and Binding (ACL-MIT Series in Natural Language Processing)

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This structure (before the verb leaves VP) would have to be the following, as is in fact explicitly assumed by Rognvaldsson andThrainsson(1990:10,ex. 10, 11): We take a structure like 68 to be explicitly ruled out in the X'-system of Chomsky (1986), as adjunction to an X-bar is impossible. ) 33 In sum, since the subject in 61 a, c cannot be in VP-spec (and if we disregard the TP-spec option), then there is no possible analysis of these well-formed examples with the finite verb in 1°. A different analysis therefore needs to be found for 61a, c.

32 PARAMETERS AND FUNCTIONAL HEADS As examples of this difference, Rizzi (1990a:88, ex. 32b, c) gives the following contrast: In either case the embedded CP-spec cannot be part of the chain between the whelement at the head of the main clause and its trace inside the embedded clause. That 53a is not as unacceptable as 53b is ascribed to the fact that the link between which problem and the trace in its base-generated position is not subject to the antecedent government requirement. Whichever account is preferred, argument extraction is subject only to subjacency requirements (though see the discussion of 54, below), whereas non-argument extraction is subject both to subjacency and to an antecedent government requirement.

In embedded clauses, in contrast, CP is needed to accommodate either an overt complementizer in C° or a w/z-word/trace in CP-spec. It is thus expected that in embedded clauses, it should be possible to have both topicalisation (of the subject or a nonsubject) and w/z-movernent. In other words, given that in embedded contexts (only), topicalisation and w/z-movement are claimed to be movement to distinct postions (IP-spec and CP-spec, respectively), it should be unexceptional to find them cooccurring.

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The Logical Approach to Syntax: Foundations, Specifications, and Implementations of Theories of Government and Binding (ACL-MIT Series in Natural Language Processing) by Edward P. Stabler Jr.


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