By Omer Preminger
In this booklet, Omer Preminger investigates how the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract is enforced through the grammar. Preminger argues that an empirically sufficient conception of predicate-argument contract calls for recourse to an operation, whose obligatoriness is a grammatical primitive now not reducible to representational homes, yet whose winning end result isn't really enforced by means of the grammar.
Preminger's argument counters modern techniques that locate the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract enforced via representational potential. the main admired of those is Chomsky's "interpretability"-based concept, during which the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract is enforced via derivational time bombs. Preminger provides an empirical argument opposed to modern ways that search to derive the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract completely from derivational time bombs. He bargains as a substitute an alternate account in keeping with the idea of obligatory operations better suited for the evidence. The the most important info consists of utterances that inescapably contain attempted-but-failed contract and are still absolutely grammatical. Preminger combines an in depth empirical research of contract phenomena within the Kichean (Mayan) languages, Zulu (Bantu), Basque, Icelandic, and French with an in depth and rigorous theoretical exploration of the far-reaching results of those info. The result's a singular concept that has profound implications for the formalism that the concept of grammar makes use of to derive compulsory tactics and houses.
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Additional info for Agreement and Its Failures
B. > −→ #0 [him] V0 [them]<+pl. 1). What the parallelism between (47) and (48) shows, I think, is that the mechanisms underlying “omnivorous agreement” are really the same as those that underlie syntactic probing more generally. The probe—in this case, #0 — is specified to look for the [plural] feature; it will therefore ignore phrases that do not bear this feature, much as an interrogative C0 ignores phrases that do not carry the [wh] feature. I will refer to this property, of interrogative C0 and Kichean ϕ -probes alike, as relativized probing (a term that is meant to recall Rizzi’s (1990) use of the term relativized; see also Nevins 2007 for a related but distinct proposal of how probes might be feature-relativized).
In a derivation that contains a canonical bearer of agreement, but where ϕ -agreement has not successfully obtained, the derivational time-bomb will have remained in its “nondefused” state. This, in turn, should give rise to ungrammaticality. What the derivational time-bombs model categorically excludes, then, is a grammatical utterance that was generated with the standard agreement-enforcing derivational time-bomb in place, but where ϕ -agreement has not applied successfully. Failed agreement, as defined in (8), can therefore serve to distinguish at least the derivational time-bombs model from the other two.
The latter uses a suffix that is homophonous with the DTV variant of AF on RTVs and DTVs alike. In fact, the verb in (13) is a RTV; thus, the fact that it shows up with the -(V)n suffix rather than -ow (which is the RTV variant of K’ichee’ AF) is a reliable indicator that this sentence is indeed an instance of the absolutive antipassive, rather than the AF construction. Despite this morphological relatedness between AF and the absolutive antipassive, AF is not an antipassive at all (as argued in detail in Aissen 2011, Craig 1979, Smith-Stark 1978).
Agreement and Its Failures by Omer Preminger