By Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu
The contributions during this quantity are dedicated to a number of elements of the interior and exterior syntax of DPs in a wide selection of languages belonging to the Slavic, Turkic, Finno-Ugric, Semitic and Germanic language households. particularly, the papers handle questions with regards to the inner and exterior cartography of varied kinds of simplex and complicated DPs: the placement of DPs inside higher constructions, contract in phi-features and/or case among DPs and their predicates, in addition to among sub-elements of DPs, and/or the project of case to DPs in particular configurations. the 1st 4 chapters of the booklet concentration totally on the exterior syntax of DPs, and the remainder chapters care for their inner syntax.
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Extra info for Advances in the Syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case
Inf za ordenom. ’ Franks (1995: 280–281) discusses similar facts for Polish (and suggests that agreement over żeby ‘in order to’ is possible with feminine, neuter, or plural antecedents, but that the SD is obligatory when the antecedent is masculine). The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian b. Ivan prišel čtoby tancevat’ *odin/odnomu. ’ (12) Ona dostatočno vzroslaja, čtoby sama vse ponimat’. nom/dat xodit’ v kino. 5 While the SD is never possible with simple subject OC and agreement is never possible in the absence of an obligatory controller, elsewhere judgments are mixed.
Linguistics 26(6): 951–976. Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 2004. The syntax of person, tense and speech features. Italian Journal of Linguistics 16: 219–251. Special issue edited by Valentina Bianchi & Kenneth Safir. Sigurðsson, Halldór, Ármann. 2009. Remarks on features. ), 21–52. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Siloni, Tal. 2001. Construct states at the PF interface. Language Variation Yearbook 1: 229–266. Siloni, Tal. 2010. Noun Phrases and Nominalizations [Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory Series].
Prijti odnomu] očen’ trudno. ’ It is not clear how the dative pro (or PRO) can be inserted as a last resort operation, if the SD reflects agreement with a dative subject and that agreement takes place locally/ on-line. 13 I will in fact eventually . Boeckx and Hornstein (2006), in attempting to assimilate the recalcitrant Icelandic facts into the MTC, must assume case assignment (in the embedded clause) and case overwriting (in the matrix clause) to handle OC of quirky case-assigning infinitives.
Advances in the Syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case by Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu