By Ellie Lee
Centering at the declare that abortion can lead to put up Abortion Syndrome, the writer examines the "medicalization" of the abortion challenge on either side of the Atlantic. Lee issues to contrasts in felony and clinical dimensions of the abortion factor that make for a few vital modifications, yet argues that during either the U.S. and Britain, the PAS declare in reality constitutes an instance of the bounds to medicalization. She contends that exam of contests over PAS issues no longer quite a bit to demedicalization as to the development of its alternative—motherhood—as a mental ordeal. Centrally, Lee makes the case for trying to the social dimensions of psychological illnesses to account for and comprehend debates approximately what makes girls in poor health.
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Centering at the declare that abortion can lead to put up Abortion Syndrome, the writer examines the "medicalization" of the abortion challenge on either side of the Atlantic. Lee issues to contrasts in criminal and scientific dimensions of the abortion factor that make for a few very important ameliorations, yet argues that during either the us and Britain, the PAS declare in reality constitutes an instance of the bounds to medicalization.
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Additional info for Abortion, Motherhood, and Mental Health: Medicalizing Reproduction in the United States and Great Britian (Social Problems and Social Issues)
In Britain, the term “Postabortion Syndrome” first appeared in public debate about abortion in parliamentary discussions in the late 1980s. During a debate about the Alton Bill in the British Parliament in 1987, a bill that was intended to restrict the legal time limit for abortion to 18 weeks, Liberal Democrat Member of Parliament David Alton, the bill’s sponsor, described Postabortion Syndrome as “the psychiatric morbidity experienced by a woman after an abortion” (Steinberg 1991:181). Three years later, during a debate about the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill (a bill that was concerned mainly with regulation of experiments on embryos and fertility treatment), Dame Elaine Kellett-Bowman claimed that research carried out in the United States showed that 82 percent of women who have had their pregnancy terminated suffer from Postabortion Syndrome.
But a development that has caught the attention of some is the growing propensity for human experience to be described and explained with reference to mental illness and disease. As Horwitz argues, whereas thirty years ago many people experienced social and person difficulties in their lives, these were not considered “medical problems” and were certainly not taken to mean that people were afflicted by specific, discrete kinds of mental disorder. What is highly significant about the period of time in between, he contends, is that such “general disturbances of living” metamorphosed into “specific psychiatric diseases that afflict the clients of mental health professionals today” (2002:ix).
Making this alleged health risk of abortion into an issue is, David Reardon argues, central to a prolife strategy that can make “post abortion healing” widely available in American society. The argument that abortion harms women’s health, he says, will ultimately discredit legal abortion altogether (Reardon 1996a). An array of therapeutic services initiated by or linked with organizations that oppose legal abortion has emerged, which offer counseling to women who have had abortions. One such initiative in the United States is Rachel’s Vineyard, a “therapeutic support group for post abortive women,” which started out as the Center for Post Abortion Healing in 1986, and which now operates as part of the activities of the American Life League.
Abortion, Motherhood, and Mental Health: Medicalizing Reproduction in the United States and Great Britian (Social Problems and Social Issues) by Ellie Lee